As the Pakistan celebrated its 62nd birth anniversary last month and the national Defence Day on Sept 6, the national goals set by its founders largely remain unachieved. The country faces an existential threat due to a host of crises. Poverty, ignorance, bigotry and insecurity are the ‘hallmarks’ of this young and frail nation.
I don’t like to sound ominous but there is little to appreciate in the present state of state affairs. Isolated and humiliated from without, and bleeding and feeble from within, Pakistan has changed much, unfortunately for the worse, over a period of a couple of decades.
As I indicated, I am not a pessimist nor do I want to breathe gloom and pessimism into my country fellows. But then, cure is unthinkable of without recognising and admitting that one is ill.
Many of us believe the things would have not been such a bad had 9/11 and preceding war in Afghanistan not occurred. They might be true, but partially. The Sept 11, which is not merely an event but a phenomenon, just caused to surface the deep-seated fissures in our society and body politic. These cracks had to come to the surface sooner or latter; 9/11 just sped up the clock.
The second reign of Nawaz Sharif represents a watershed in our brief history of 62 years. At least at surface things seemed to be moving in the right direction then. Diplomatically, we seemed confident--not to mention we discovered in India a new neighbour-- our economy was relatively stable; we had peace on our borders; and a decade of civilian political control showed military was no more interested in gaining direct control on the steering wheel.
But behind this calm lurked questions and challenges we had long neglected, even aggravated with wrong choices, and that were to come to haunt us later.
Nawaz Sharif was not satisfied with the winning of heavy mandate alone. Through the 13th constitutional amendment, he wanted to use this mandate to redefine the power equation to his advantage. He he was a legtimate, elected prime minister, yet like the late military dictator, General Zia, he used religion for the furtherance of his personal goals.By courting old associates of military, the rightist Mullahs, the civilian government further strengthened their position, and thereby further thrown the society into the deep of extremism and sectarianism.
Kargil War was a great set back for the reconciliation process between Pakistan and India. But it was not just an adventure rather a part of a well thoughtout plan to serve a special purpose. Nor was it a war of choice, but of necessity. Army, which looked at ease because of silent guns on borders, was in fact greatly perturbed over the increasing presence of the Indian Army close to the LoC. It knew well that it did not have muscle to thwart any serious effort by Indians to steel territory across the LoC. India had successfully done so in Siachin and in some other cases. The Kargil plan was in fact aimed at creating such atmosphere in which India is forced to enter into some sort of agreement with Pakistan, giving a more permanent character to the LoC. The plan might have met with success had the civilian government shown some courage and diplomatic skill.
Military was in no mood to further reducing its influence on political affairs of the state and after Kargil debacle it was even prepared for direct involvement to ‘put the house in order’. Mistrust between Nawaz Sharif and General Musharraf had reached a level where both wanted to get rid of the other. Apparently, the military bosses were looking for an opportunity for direct action and they found one when Musharraf’s plane was refused landing.
Despite all of its shortcomings a civilian government is better to military rule; history of nations testifies this. Thus the coup should have been discouraged at all levels and costs. (Too much of idealism? But, remember, a nation without ideals cannot find salvation.) Instead, appeals were made to the ‘saviours in uniform’ to intervene in the ‘national interest’
Even the judiciary once again failed in fulfilling its obligation and most of the judges of the SC and the high courts accepted and even accorded legitimacy to the power usurper. The SC judges who took oath under the 1st PCO by Musharraf included our celebrated CJP Ifthikar Chaudhry, the ‘hero’ of the lawyers’ revolution.
Musharraf regime took extra pains and meticulously ruined the democratic febric of the state. Taking a leaf from General Ayub’s concept of basic democracies to manipulate the elections, Musharraf embarked on devolution of power to perpetuate his rule, and he remained successful to a great degree. He started to feel the heat only when, after seven long years, his policies turned the media and public opinion utterly hostile. His position became really weak when his court party, PML-Q, received a deadly blow in Feb 18, 2008 general elections.
Yes, the Lawyers’ Movement did play an important role in his final capitulation yet it did little to fulfil its professed objective--bringing justice to the whole society. At best it has brought some political corrections at the top, besides selective cleansing of its own cadres, yet it has utterly failed in providing justice to the common man.
I would not talk of the utter mismanagement by the present government and the pursuances of naked self-interest by the other parties as well for the memories are too fresh to need a recollection.
For last so many years we have been preoccupied with the lesser-issues and continued to neglect the daunting challenges that stare us in the face. We did nothing to reduce the widening gulf between the rich and the poor; control rising levels of inflation, poverty, unemployment; bridge the power supply and demand gap; arrest the declining standards of education; provision of food, water, healthcare and other basic facilities; curb the rising religious extremism, sectarianism, national disunity; and the list goes on.
But of these, education, national integration, and socio-economic justice are those few areas where neglect is unforgivable. If history is something to learn from, we discover that no state or society could last for long that ignored these vital areas. Another scourge, especially in our case, is religious bigotry and extremis; and again the solution is education. Improvement can be brought in these areas only by adopting well thought-out longterm policies, and then we will get stability and prosperity.
But we have enough of our politicians, military saviours and bureaucratic genius; all disappointed us. The only hope left is ‘independent intellectuals’ who should come forward piercing the crowed of ‘paid intellectuals’ and prepare a ground and push for broad scale reformation of the society.
I don’t like to sound ominous but there is little to appreciate in the present state of state affairs. Isolated and humiliated from without, and bleeding and feeble from within, Pakistan has changed much, unfortunately for the worse, over a period of a couple of decades.
As I indicated, I am not a pessimist nor do I want to breathe gloom and pessimism into my country fellows. But then, cure is unthinkable of without recognising and admitting that one is ill.
Many of us believe the things would have not been such a bad had 9/11 and preceding war in Afghanistan not occurred. They might be true, but partially. The Sept 11, which is not merely an event but a phenomenon, just caused to surface the deep-seated fissures in our society and body politic. These cracks had to come to the surface sooner or latter; 9/11 just sped up the clock.
The second reign of Nawaz Sharif represents a watershed in our brief history of 62 years. At least at surface things seemed to be moving in the right direction then. Diplomatically, we seemed confident--not to mention we discovered in India a new neighbour-- our economy was relatively stable; we had peace on our borders; and a decade of civilian political control showed military was no more interested in gaining direct control on the steering wheel.
But behind this calm lurked questions and challenges we had long neglected, even aggravated with wrong choices, and that were to come to haunt us later.
Nawaz Sharif was not satisfied with the winning of heavy mandate alone. Through the 13th constitutional amendment, he wanted to use this mandate to redefine the power equation to his advantage. He he was a legtimate, elected prime minister, yet like the late military dictator, General Zia, he used religion for the furtherance of his personal goals.By courting old associates of military, the rightist Mullahs, the civilian government further strengthened their position, and thereby further thrown the society into the deep of extremism and sectarianism.
Kargil War was a great set back for the reconciliation process between Pakistan and India. But it was not just an adventure rather a part of a well thoughtout plan to serve a special purpose. Nor was it a war of choice, but of necessity. Army, which looked at ease because of silent guns on borders, was in fact greatly perturbed over the increasing presence of the Indian Army close to the LoC. It knew well that it did not have muscle to thwart any serious effort by Indians to steel territory across the LoC. India had successfully done so in Siachin and in some other cases. The Kargil plan was in fact aimed at creating such atmosphere in which India is forced to enter into some sort of agreement with Pakistan, giving a more permanent character to the LoC. The plan might have met with success had the civilian government shown some courage and diplomatic skill.
Military was in no mood to further reducing its influence on political affairs of the state and after Kargil debacle it was even prepared for direct involvement to ‘put the house in order’. Mistrust between Nawaz Sharif and General Musharraf had reached a level where both wanted to get rid of the other. Apparently, the military bosses were looking for an opportunity for direct action and they found one when Musharraf’s plane was refused landing.
Despite all of its shortcomings a civilian government is better to military rule; history of nations testifies this. Thus the coup should have been discouraged at all levels and costs. (Too much of idealism? But, remember, a nation without ideals cannot find salvation.) Instead, appeals were made to the ‘saviours in uniform’ to intervene in the ‘national interest’
Even the judiciary once again failed in fulfilling its obligation and most of the judges of the SC and the high courts accepted and even accorded legitimacy to the power usurper. The SC judges who took oath under the 1st PCO by Musharraf included our celebrated CJP Ifthikar Chaudhry, the ‘hero’ of the lawyers’ revolution.
Musharraf regime took extra pains and meticulously ruined the democratic febric of the state. Taking a leaf from General Ayub’s concept of basic democracies to manipulate the elections, Musharraf embarked on devolution of power to perpetuate his rule, and he remained successful to a great degree. He started to feel the heat only when, after seven long years, his policies turned the media and public opinion utterly hostile. His position became really weak when his court party, PML-Q, received a deadly blow in Feb 18, 2008 general elections.
Yes, the Lawyers’ Movement did play an important role in his final capitulation yet it did little to fulfil its professed objective--bringing justice to the whole society. At best it has brought some political corrections at the top, besides selective cleansing of its own cadres, yet it has utterly failed in providing justice to the common man.
I would not talk of the utter mismanagement by the present government and the pursuances of naked self-interest by the other parties as well for the memories are too fresh to need a recollection.
For last so many years we have been preoccupied with the lesser-issues and continued to neglect the daunting challenges that stare us in the face. We did nothing to reduce the widening gulf between the rich and the poor; control rising levels of inflation, poverty, unemployment; bridge the power supply and demand gap; arrest the declining standards of education; provision of food, water, healthcare and other basic facilities; curb the rising religious extremism, sectarianism, national disunity; and the list goes on.
But of these, education, national integration, and socio-economic justice are those few areas where neglect is unforgivable. If history is something to learn from, we discover that no state or society could last for long that ignored these vital areas. Another scourge, especially in our case, is religious bigotry and extremis; and again the solution is education. Improvement can be brought in these areas only by adopting well thought-out longterm policies, and then we will get stability and prosperity.
But we have enough of our politicians, military saviours and bureaucratic genius; all disappointed us. The only hope left is ‘independent intellectuals’ who should come forward piercing the crowed of ‘paid intellectuals’ and prepare a ground and push for broad scale reformation of the society.
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